SACW #2 | 4 Nov 2004 | India: Work / Report on Indira Sagar / Dialogue with Naxals / Witness Protection / Homophobia

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Wed Nov 3 19:07:27 CST 2004

South Asia Citizens Wire #2  |  4 November,  2004

[1] India: Employment Guarantee Act - A Primer
[2] India: Without land or Livelihood. The Indira 
Sagar Dam: State Accountability and 
Rehabilitation Issues (Report of People's 
Independent Commission)
[3] India: Protect Christians of Dalit origin (Eduardo Faleiro)
[4] India: Welcome Dialogue With Naxalites - An 
opportunity for overdue reform (Praful Bidwai)
[5] URL's re a Witness Protection Programme in India
- Law Commission of India's - Consultation Paper on Witness Protection
- Consultation paper on witness protection (J. Venkatesan)
[6] India: Homosexuality is punishable: High Court
[7] India:  Upcoming events :
National Convention on 'Wada na Todo Abhiyan'  (New Delhi, November 4-5, 2004)


[1] - November 3, 2004

o o o

A Primer

October 2004

This booklet was initially prepared for a 
convention on Employment Guarantee and the Right 
to Work, held at the Constitution Club (New 
Delhi) on 19 October 2004. It was written by 
Nikhil Dey and Jean Drèze but draws on 
discussions with many others including Shiraz 
Balsara, Subhash Bhatnagar, Kiran Bhatty, C.P. 
Chandrasekhar, Sehba Farooqi, Jayati Ghosh, Colin 
Gonsalvez, Smita Gupta, Indira Jaising, Brinda 
Karat, Madhuri Krishnaswamy, Harsh Mander, Babu 
Mathew, Santosh Mathew, Prabhat Patnaik, Vikas 
Rawal, Aruna Roy, Dunu Roy, Abhijit Sen, T.S. 
Shankaran, Shekhar Singh, Kavita Srivastava, 
Anuradha Talwar, and S. Vivek, to name a few.


Workers' organisations have been demanding a 
national Employment Guarantee Act (EGA) for many 
years. This "primer" was prepared to facilitate 
public discussion of this issue at all levels -- 
from remote villages to the national capital. The 
answers are based on a draft National Rural 
Employment Guarantee Act prepared by concerned 
citizens, dated 1 September 2004 (hereafter the 
"reference draft").

[ Read Full Text at:  ]


[2]  | November 3, 2004

o o o


In August 2004, the National Campaign for 
People's Right to Information of India 
constituted an independent people's commission to 
investigate the present situation of 
displacement, resettlement, relief and 
rehabilitation, in the villages and towns 
affected and submerged as a result of the Indira 
Sagar Pariyojana multipurpose project 
(alternatively, the Narmada Sagar Dam) in western 
India, and those that are due to submerge in the 
future. The two person commission was convened by 
Naresh C. Saxena, Member of the National Advisory 
Council of the Government of India and former 
Secretary of the Planning Commission of India, 
and is comprised of Angana P. Chatterji, 
Associate Professor of Social and Cultural 
Anthropology, California Institute of Integral 
Studies, and Harsh Mander, Member, National 
Campaign for People's Right to Information and 
Right to Food Campaign. In early August, Dr. 
Chatterji and Mr. Mander visited Harsud, 
neighboring villages, and resettlement sites in 
Khandwa District in Madhya Pradesh. They heard 
over 1400 people at public hearings, and held 
extensive meetings with, among others, 
Chittaroopa Palit and Alok Agarwal of the Narmada 
Bachao Andolan. The Commission is in the process 
of submitting its report to the National Advisory 
Council of the Government of India, headed by 
Congress Party leader Sonia Gandhi.

The Commission's report, entitled, 'Without land 
or Livelihood. The Indira Sagar Dam: State 
Accountability and Rehabilitation Issues', 
states: "Significant research demonstrates that 
large dams incur considerably more costs than 
benefits, and it has been amply confirmed that 
the social and ecological damage that results 
from large dams is prohibitive and 
disproportionately borne by marginalized peoples 
and cultures. This Commission finds the Indira 
Sagar Pariyojana in Khandwa district in Madhya 
Pradesh to be no exceptionŠ We find that vast and 
the Government of Madhya Pradesh in the 
construction of the Indira Sagar Pariyojana has 
perpetrated indefensible social, political and 
economic injustices on the people of the Narmada 
Valley. Affected people across cultures, classes 
and genders continue to endure conditions that 
are dehumanizing and cruel in a context bereft of 
processes allowing an acknowledgment of the 
enormity of the decimation and resources 
necessary to heal from it. It is of particular 
concern that poor and disenfranchised people are 
treated with contempt by the state, as groups to 
whom the nation is not accountable. The violence 
of the everyday experienced by individuals and 
communities is incomprehensible, as brutality and 
oppression are administered through the state's 
mistreatment of the affected. These injustices 
also highlight the severe and existing 
hierarchies of caste, tribe, religion and gender 
in the state, and compound social suffering and 
cultural violence in the name of development."

The Commission made 32 recommendations including 
a directive to amend the 1987 Rehabilitation 
Policy of the Government of Madhya Pradesh to 
allow for land compensation to the landless, 
ensuring the eligibility and assured access of 
all cultivators, including landless workers, to 
housing and cultivable agricultural land.

[ Full Text of the above Report is available at:'sCommissionReport.pdf ]



Deccan Herald
November 04, 2004

Protect Christians of Dalit origin
There is need to legislate a bill to give 
Christians of SC/ST origin their due rights and 
By Eduardo Faleiro

During the last session of Parliament a 
memorandum was submitted to the Prime Minister 
listing some of the grievances of the Christian 
community. The memorandum calls for effective 
implementation of the Prime Minister's 15-Point 
Programme for the Welfare of the Minorities. The 
programme was launched by the late Prime Minister 
Indira Gandhi and has been endorsed by all 
successive governments. There is a special cell 
in the Home Ministry to oversee the 
implementation of this programme though it has 
been quite ineffective in recent years.

Seven of the 15 points deal with steps to prevent 
communal conflicts, for swift punishment to the 
culprits and for speedy and adequate relief to 
the victims of communal violence. Events in 
Gujarat and elsewhere have shown that often scant 
attention is paid to the observance of these 

Rights of Christian dalits
The memorandum highlights the failure of the 
Union Government to extend to Christians of 
Scheduled Caste origin, the legal protection and 
constitutional benefits available to dalits 
professing other religions. Mahatma Gandhi and Dr 
B R Ambedkar had often pointed out that change of 
religion does not bring about any change in the 
social status of the weaker sections. They 
continue to suffer the same social and economic 

The Supreme Court held in the Mandal Case that 
"untouchability is a humiliating and shameful 
malady caused by deep-rooted prejudice which does 
not disappear with the change of faith..." 
(Indira Sawhney v. Union of India).

The National Minorities Commission acknowledged 
this reality in its Annual Report for the year 
1997-98 and recommended that "the Constitution 
(Scheduled Castes) Order 1950 should be amended 
so as to omit altogether the proviso that a 
person belonging to a particular religion cannot 
be regarded as a member of a Scheduled Caste, so 
that the unconstitutional nexus between caste and 
religion is eliminated." On March 11, 1996, the 
then Social Welfare Minister Sitaram Kesri 
submitted to the
Lok Sabha, the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order Amendment Bill 1996.
Its Statement of Objects and Reasons reads as 
follows: "Converts to the Christian religion who 
are of Scheduled Caste origin are precluded from 
the statutory benefits and safeguards accruing to 
the members of the Scheduled Castes. Demands have 
been made from time to time for extending these 
benefits and safeguards to Christians of 
Scheduled Caste origin by granting them 
recognition as Scheduled Castes on the ground 
that the change of religion has not altered their 
social and economic condition. Upon due 
consideration of these demands, it is proposed to 
amend the relevant Constitution (Scheduled 
Castes) Order to include the Christian converts 
of Scheduled Castes among the Scheduled Castes 
therein." The Bill could not be introduced in 
Parliament due to the dissolution of the 10th Lok 
Sabha. The present Government should now 
re-introduce this legislation and get it approved 
as a Constitution Amendment.

Personal law changes
Another matter of concern to the Christian 
community is the question of amendment of their 
Personal Laws. Some of these laws such as those 
relating to adoption and succession have become 
obsolete and need to be updated. During a debate 
in Parliament in December 1999 the then 
Government had assured that "with personal laws 
we do not really want to interfere. We will leave 
it to the community but if the community wants it 
we would only be too happy to carry out the 
necessary amendments". There should be no 
difficulty in carrying the amendments to the 
Christian Personal Laws which have already been 
proposed to the Law Ministry by the 
representative Christian organisations.

The Memorandum was endorsed by Members of 
Parliament belonging to different religious 
denominations. While subscribing to it, some 
mentioned privately that they were doing so 
because the demands were just and fair but 
expressed misgivings about reported conversions 
being carried out by missionaries in some parts 
of the country.

I was recently in the Mayurbhanj district of 
Orissa where Rev Graham Staines and his two sons 
were killed some years ago. During my stay in the 
district I found that both Christian and Hindu 
missionaries were propagating their respective 
faiths. What the adivasis need is not more 
religion but alleviation of their abject poverty, 
education, health care and infrastructure.

The plight of the tribals in Mayurbhanj is 
similar to the condition of the tribal population 
in several other parts of the country and to 
provide them minimum living standards is a 
gigantic task. It cannot be left to 
non-governmental agencies including missionary 
organisations. However lofty their intentions, 
they will always be suspected of ulterior 
motives. The paramount responsibility rests with 
the Government to formulate and implement 
livelihood strategies for the weaker sections of 
our society.

The writer is an MP and a former Union Minister.



The Praful Bidwai Column
November 1, 2004

By Praful Bidwai

Even before the Indian government took a bold 
step the other day in Bangkok by inviting top 
leaders of the National Socialist Council of 
Nagaland (Isaak-Muivah group) for talks to New 
Delhi, another process for reconciliation and 
peace of seminal importance got going in 
Hyderabad. This was the beginning of a 
comprehensive dialogue between Naxalites and the 
Andhra Pradesh government. The first round of 
talks, lasting four days, saw top underground 
leaders of the Communist Part of India 
(Marxist-Leninist-People's War)-now officially 
renamed CPI (Maoist), but popularly known as the 
People's War Group (PWG)-come out of the forests, 
keep aside their firearms, and talk seriously to 
representatives of Mr Y.S. Rajasekhara Reddy's 
newly installed government.

It is after 15 years that guerrilla leaders like 
Akkiraju Haragopal (alias Ramakrishna), Sudhakar 
and G. Ravi, who carry rewards of lakhs of rupees 
on their heads, emerged from hiding to address 
huge public rallies and start a dialogue with 
people they have long considered to be their 
inveterate "class enemies". These leaders did 
their best to enhance their bargaining power by 
announcing a merger of their group with the 
Maoist Communist Centre of India just before 
their meetings with Andhra officials. The 
preparations leading up to the talks, with public 
meetings attended by lakhs of supporters and 
ordinarily curious people, and addressed by 
intermediaries such as Ghadar and Vara Vara Rao, 
were also meant to demonstrate the PWG's popular 

That the talks took place in a cordial and 
constructive atmosphere is a tribute to their 
participants' serious intent. This also speaks 
well of the mediators who made the dialogue 
possible in the face of heavy odds, including 
former civil servant S.R. Sankaran and civil 
rights lawyer K.G. Kannabiran. Even more 
noteworthy is the substantive content of the 
PWG's demands at the talks-with a sharp focus on 
agrarian reform and a commission to identify 
surplus land for redistribution, which would 
include "democratic and mass organisations", not 
bureaucrats or retired judges alone.

The Andhra government is called upon to respond 
to these demands in a concrete, specific manner. 
After all, the Naxalites claim-quite plausibly, 
given Andhra's large-scale absentee landlordism 
and sharecropping practices-that some 84 lakh 
acres of land fall outside the permissible 
ceiling. This is 18 times higher than the 
official figure of 4.7 lakh acres, which seems 
paltry. The PWG also alleges, without full 
corroboration, but plausibly, that more than 40 
institutions, corporations and individuals have 
encroached on 27,000 acres of prime land worth 
thousands of crores in and around Hyderabad.

An honest engagement with these issues and a 
purposive attempt to ascertain the facts and 
enforce the law will produce socially desirable 
and progressive results-no matter what one's 
individual view of the Naxalite ideology and 
politics and the government's initiative for a 
dialogue with them. That's why the talks deserve 

Yet, sceptics have mounted a concerted campaign 
against the dialogue process itself. Their 
provenance, inspiration and arguments are all 
divergent, but the central thrust is identical: 
the talks must be scuttled in their present form 
because they will encourage "extremist violence" 
and undermine the credibility of the Indian 
state. BJP president L.K. Advani has now joined 
the critics' ranks with an additional argument: 
namely, that the Naxalites pose a national-level 
"security threat"; an isolated attempt by 
individual states to tackle the issue would be 
"dangerous" to national security and 
"self-defeating and retrograde"!

Mr Advani's "regional-vs-national" logic doesn't 
carry much weight because Andhra's isn't an 
"isolated" approach. Other states too are 
planning talks with the Naxalites. And there is a 
national-level coordination committee comprising 
different states on the issue. Andhra could set a 
worthy example for other states because the 
Naxalite problem is most severe there.

However, is there merit in the opponents' 
argument that the government must not talk to any 
"violent group" that has not given up its arms or 
its ideology of armed struggle? The argument has 
three components. First, such groups are a 
pathological menace to society because they are 
inherently, irredeemably anti-democratic, and 
must never be given legitimacy. Second, the only 
way to deal with violent radical groups is to 
crush them. As the controversial former Punjab 
police chief KPS Gill puts it: "Never has a state 
returned to peace through negotiations with 
violent groups. Only when violence is put down 
firmly and strongly, is there any chance for 
peace". And third, negotiating with such groups 
violates the fundamental premise that they merely 
represent a law-and-order problem; talks with 
them can only demoralise the police and encourage 
further extremist violence.

All three arguments are blind to the origins and 
evolution of the Naxalite movement and its roots 
in legitimate grievances, especially of the rural 
poor and Adivasis. The movement-so called because 
of the armed revolt of the mid-sixties in village 
Naxalbari in West Bengal-was a response, 
undoubtedly a radical-extremist one, to the 
failure of governments to address the people's 
basic survival needs, to redress extreme 
inequalities and intolerable injustices, and 
create a semblance of faith in the very 
possibility of justice in this society.

The Naxalites were born in a period of great 
political turmoil amidst the erosion of the 
Nehruvian paradigm and weakening of the Congress 
party's hegemony. They believed that democracy 
had little to offer to the people who must take 
to armed struggle and bring about a revolution. 
The Naxalites split from the CPI(M) to form the 
CPI(ML), but themselves soon split into countless 
fractions, some along ideological lines, some 
around personalities.

The Naxalite movement has had many strands-from 
semi-parliamentary ones to the purely 
guerrilla-centred, from groups based mainly on 
opposition to violence perpetrated by upper-caste 
private armies (as in Bihar) to those fighting 
for forest-dwellers' rights to livelihood. Some 
of the smaller organisations have degenerated 
into criminal groups based on extortion and 
blackmail. But most have retained their 
support-base among the people.

Indeed, Naxalism has spread to 155 districts of 
India, covering 12 states and a quarter of the 
country's area. This growth isn't attributable to 
violence, intimidation and extortion. Rather, the 
Naxalites genuinely represent the unfulfilled, 
often brutally suppressed, aspirations of the 
people and can give them a degree of protection 
from the worst of their oppressors in the local 
power structure. Typically, this structure is 
extremely corrupt and in the grip of influential 
but predatory elite groups.

Put simply, Naxalism lives on because tyranny 
persists and repulsive forms of injustice 
prevail. Naxalite politics evokes a popular 
response because it upholds justice for the poor 
through land reforms, freedom from forced labour, 
enforcement of minimum wages, fair prices for 
agricultural produce, implementation of official 
promises of drought relief, employment guarantees 
and so on.

These aims are all unquestionably worthy. But the 
Naxalites have a serious problem with means. Some 
advocate exclusively violent means which 
themselves exclude a majority of people. Yet 
often, their means are no worse than those 
employed by the state, including torturing and 
killing innocent people, strengthening horrible 
forms of caste and class oppression, and sexual 
brutalisation of women, etc.

Therefore, it's profoundly wrong to treat 
Naxalism as a mere law-and-order problem, leave 
alone a "national security" issue. Rather, 
underlying this politics is a social and economic 
problem. Naxalite politics is itself a distorted, 
desperate reflection of urges for change from 
below. That's where Advani, Gill & Co. betray 
their crude thanedar mentality and their poor 
imagination. The advocacy of the dandaa (stick) 
approach to all problems created by unrelieved 
oppression, unaddressed injustices and the 
hellish ignominy of life for millions of Indians 
can only aggravate matters. Such methods only 
promote collusion between the state and the 
forces that cause social oppression in the first 

It's simply wrong to lump all "violent" groups 
together-what's in common between Al-Qaeda and 
People's War, or between the VHP-Bajrang Dal and 
CPI-(ML)? It's equally false to claim that they 
can never be brought to see reason or trust the 
democratic system by pursuasion; force alone will 
work. (But brute force won't reform them, it'll 
just eliminate them). History is replete with 
examples of reconciliation through dialogue and 
negotiation, including much of the great 
decolonisation movement of the last century. 
Negotiation has resolved knotty disputes like 
Alsace-Lorraine, Corsica, and very nearly, 
Ireland. Had South Africa's apartheid regime 
continued to treat the African National Congress 
as a law-and-order problem, the country would 
never have been liberated.

Starting with Andhra, all state governments must 
see in the Naxalite issue a challenge and an 
opportunity-to address neglected social agendas, 
correct festering injustices, and root out 
corrupt state functionaries working in league 
with absentee landlords and exploiters of child 
labour. The UPA's National Common Minimum 
Programme rightly recognised that Naxalism is 
"not merely a law-and-order problem, but a far 
deeper socio-economic issue".

The UPA must now relate to its own promises 
regarding health, drinking water, employment and 
food security by taking the Naxalites' demands on 
board. That's the best way to cut off the oxygen 
of popular despair that feeds extremist 
politics-and to bring the Naxalites to the path 
of democracy.-end-


[5]   [URLs re a Witness Protection Programme in India ]

Law Commission of India's
Consultation Paper on Witness Protection
Dated: 13th August, 2004

o o o o

The Hindu, August 22, 2004

Consultation paper on witness protection
By J. Venkatesan



The Times of India

PTI[ WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 03, 2004 06:36:36 PM ]
NEW DELHI: The Delhi High Court on Wednesday 
dismissed a petition seeking review of its order 
rejecting a PIL challenging the constitutional 
validity of Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code 
which makes all kinds of unnatural sex, including 
homosexuality, a punishable offence.

"The review petition cannot be entertained", a 
division bench of Chief Justice B C Patel and 
Justice B D Ahmed said dismissing the petition 
filed by Naz Foundation.

Earlier, senior counsel Anil B Divan pointed out 
on behalf of the NGO that the court had errred in 
dismissing the petition as it failed to take into 
account recent judgements of the Supreme Court on 
the question of locus standi.

Divan also submitted that the law on 
homosexuality has drastically changed in various 
parts of the world, including the US and the 
European Union countries.

"Whatever is available in the US cannot be made 
available in India also", the court observed.

The Bench had on September 2 last dismissed the 
petition filed by Naz Foundation on the ground 
that there was no cause of action for the 
petitioner to approach the Court.

"A petition cannot be filed just for testing the 
validity of a legislation," the Bench had said.

The NGO, which works for AIDS awareness, had 
filed the PIL in 2001, seeking to declare section 
377, IPC as violative of right to equality 
(Article 14), right to freedom (Article 19) and 
right to life and liberty (Article 21) of the 

The Centre had opposed the petition saying 
homosexuality cannot be legalised in India as the 
society disapproves of such behaviour.

"Law does not run separately from the society. It 
only reflects the perception of the society. 
Public tolerance of different activities change 
and the legal categories get influenced by these 

"The public, notably in UK and US have shown 
tolerance of new sexual behaviour or sexual 
preference, but it is not universally accepted 
behaviour. Objectively, speaking, there is no 
such tolerance to the practice of homosexuality/ 
lesbianism in Indian society," the Centre had 

However, the NGO felt that the Court should have 
taken into account the grave threat to public 
health by proliferation of HIV as Section 377 was 
leading to marginalisation of homosexual minority 
and preventing them from coming in the open for 


[7]    Upcoming Events:

National Convention on Wada na Todo Abhiyan
November 4-5, 2004
Indian Social Institute,
New Delhi

Dear Friends,

We are aware that the National and State 
Governments in various legitimate forms make 
commitments for the welfare of the citizen. 
These are in the form of provisions within the 
Constitution, Five-Year Plans, Common Minimum 
Programmes as well as international commitments 
viz-a-viz. Millennium Development Goals.

It is realised that in most of the cases, the 
commitments are not seriously pursued either due 
to weak political will, inadequate planning or 
insufficient resource allocation. Weak pursuance 
of the state or political system for the 
fulfilment of the promises is primarily due to 
inadequate voice of the common citizen to make 
their Governments Accountable.  `Wada Na Todo 
Abhiyan' is primarily a campaign of the citizens 
for reminding Governments towards the promises 
made by them and make them accountable.

In this regard, state level consultations were 
organised with civil society groups in Uttar 
Pradesh, Bihar, Andhra Pradesh, Rajasthan, Kerala 
and consultations in Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh 
and Orissa are planned in near future.  A 
national level preparatory meeting was organised 
in Delhi on 28th August to evolve the campaign. 
It was suggested in the meeting that a national 
convention should be organised to evolve and 
build consensus on the strategies.

The national convention is being organised during 
November 4-5, 2004 at Indian Social Institute, 
(10, Institutional Area, Lodhi Road, New Delhi). 
The purpose of the national consultation is 
primarily to evolve a long-term strategy for the 
`Wada Na Todo Campaign'.  It will help build a 
shared perspective on the objectives of the 
campaign and will carve out a detailed road map 
for taking the campaign forward in different 
states as well as nationally.

We are inviting about 250-300 participants from 
various states representing voluntary 
organisations, activists involved in various 
campaigns, media, academia and trade union and 
mass organisations.

We are requesting you to participate in the 
national convention on `Wada Na Todo'.

The details of the final programme  will be sent to you soon. 

Kindly confirm your participation to help us make necessary arrangements.

With regards

Anil K Singh (Convenor) 
Dr.Yogesh Kumar (Co-Convenor)

4th &5th November 2004, Venue: Indian Social Institute

DAY ONE- 4th November 2004

9.30 A.M.- 10.00 A.M.		Registration with tea
INAUGRAL SESSION                                                     
10.00A.M. - 11.00 A.M.                  Guest of 
Honour: Mr.M.V.Rajsekharan(Union Minister of 
				 Welcome address by Mr. Anil K. Singh
Civil Society Perspective of Wada na Todo Abhiyan
                  Dr. Yogesh Kumar

                  Keynote address on 'Wada Na Todo Abhiyan'

                  Shri Ramchandra 

                  Design of the convention & Vote of Thanks
                  Dr.Gimmy Dabhi

11.00 A.M.- 11.30 A.M.           TEA

11.30 A.M-   1.30 P.M               Parallel Sessions

  I. Right to Livelihood
                      Anchor: Prof.S.KThorat
                      Community/ Citizen Voices	II. Right to Education
Anchor:Dr.Ramanath Nayak and
              Ms.Shalini and Ms.Archana
Community/ Citizen Voices
                  Community/ Citizen Leader's Voices

1.30 P.M- 2.30 P.M.	       LUNCH

  	  2:30 P.M-4:00 P.M                Parallel Sessions 

III. Right to Health
Anchor: Dr.Bappukunju Eqbal and
               Ms.Manjir Rahi

Community/Citizen Voices
	IV. Right  over Natural Resources

Anchors: Mr.Bharat Dogra and Mr. Pankaj Sekhsaria

      Community/Citizen Voices
4.0 0PM- 4.30 PM		TEA

4.30 PM-6.00 PM                     PLENARY
Presentations of Key Challenges Emerging From     
                                                        Parallel Sessions
                                                        Chair: Mr.Alok Mehta
                                                 Panelists:  Ms.Syeeda Hameed
Mr.Sandeep Dixit
Prof.Amitabh Kundu
                               Ms.Reva Nayyar 
(Sec. Women &Child Development) (Tentative)
DAY TWO- 5th November 2004


9.30AM- 10.30 AM		Development 
Goals- Issues of Dalit, Tribal and Women
   	              Chair- Mr.Savi Savarkar

	Panelists:	Dr. Pam Rajput
		       	Mr.Marinus Kujur
		Mr.Martin Macwan

10:30AM- 11:30 PM                                Session II

        	Chair: Salil Shetty
Reflections on Global Process Around MDG
        Mr. John Samuel and  Dr. Bappukunju Eqbal
           Key  strategic elements for designing the campaign:Some
Dr. Yogesh Kumar

11:30 AM- 12:00 PM     Tea Break

12:00PM- 1.00 PM    Parallel sessions

Key elements for strategising campaign

I. Operational Planning For the Campaign
( Issues For Discussion)
Facilitator: Mr. Ashok Singh and
Mr.Anil K Singh

II. People's Mobilisation and Public

(Issues For Discussion)

Facilitator:Mr.Paul Divakar and Dr.Yogesh Kumar

III. People's Voices on Development Goals
A. Structure, roles, function & resources
B. Strategy for Research, Lobby & Advocacy 
	A. Popular Action, Event & Launch
B. Media
C. Networking / Alliance Building

1.00 PM- 2.00 PM	LUNCH

3.0 PM- 4.00 PM	Formalising Strategy
                                            Chair: Mr. Jagdananda
Facilitators: Mr. Amitabh Behar,Mr. Ashok Bharti & Mr. Cherian Mathew

Presentation of groups  & Consensus building
			Presentation of group I&II



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