SACW #2 | 4 Nov 2004 | India: Work / Report on Indira Sagar /
Dialogue with Naxals / Witness Protection / Homophobia
sacw
aiindex at mnet.fr
Wed Nov 3 19:07:27 CST 2004
South Asia Citizens Wire #2 | 4 November, 2004
via: www.sacw.net
[1] India: Employment Guarantee Act - A Primer
[2] India: Without land or Livelihood. The Indira
Sagar Dam: State Accountability and
Rehabilitation Issues (Report of People's
Independent Commission)
[3] India: Protect Christians of Dalit origin (Eduardo Faleiro)
[4] India: Welcome Dialogue With Naxalites - An
opportunity for overdue reform (Praful Bidwai)
[5] URL's re a Witness Protection Programme in India
- Law Commission of India's - Consultation Paper on Witness Protection
- Consultation paper on witness protection (J. Venkatesan)
[6] India: Homosexuality is punishable: High Court
[7] India: Upcoming events :
National Convention on 'Wada na Todo Abhiyan' (New Delhi, November 4-5, 2004)
--------------
[1]
www.sacw.net - November 3, 2004
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[India] EMPLOYMENT GUARANTEE ACT
A Primer
October 2004
This booklet was initially prepared for a
convention on Employment Guarantee and the Right
to Work, held at the Constitution Club (New
Delhi) on 19 October 2004. It was written by
Nikhil Dey and Jean Drèze but draws on
discussions with many others including Shiraz
Balsara, Subhash Bhatnagar, Kiran Bhatty, C.P.
Chandrasekhar, Sehba Farooqi, Jayati Ghosh, Colin
Gonsalvez, Smita Gupta, Indira Jaising, Brinda
Karat, Madhuri Krishnaswamy, Harsh Mander, Babu
Mathew, Santosh Mathew, Prabhat Patnaik, Vikas
Rawal, Aruna Roy, Dunu Roy, Abhijit Sen, T.S.
Shankaran, Shekhar Singh, Kavita Srivastava,
Anuradha Talwar, and S. Vivek, to name a few.
Preamble
Workers' organisations have been demanding a
national Employment Guarantee Act (EGA) for many
years. This "primer" was prepared to facilitate
public discussion of this issue at all levels --
from remote villages to the national capital. The
answers are based on a draft National Rural
Employment Guarantee Act prepared by concerned
citizens, dated 1 September 2004 (hereafter the
"reference draft").
[...]
[ Read Full Text at:
http://www.sacw.net/Labour/EGAprimer.html ]
______
[2]
www.sacw.net | November 3, 2004
o o o
REPORT OF THE INDEPENDENT PEOPLE'S COMMISSION, INDIRA SAGAR DAM [India]
In August 2004, the National Campaign for
People's Right to Information of India
constituted an independent people's commission to
investigate the present situation of
displacement, resettlement, relief and
rehabilitation, in the villages and towns
affected and submerged as a result of the Indira
Sagar Pariyojana multipurpose project
(alternatively, the Narmada Sagar Dam) in western
India, and those that are due to submerge in the
future. The two person commission was convened by
Naresh C. Saxena, Member of the National Advisory
Council of the Government of India and former
Secretary of the Planning Commission of India,
and is comprised of Angana P. Chatterji,
Associate Professor of Social and Cultural
Anthropology, California Institute of Integral
Studies, and Harsh Mander, Member, National
Campaign for People's Right to Information and
Right to Food Campaign. In early August, Dr.
Chatterji and Mr. Mander visited Harsud,
neighboring villages, and resettlement sites in
Khandwa District in Madhya Pradesh. They heard
over 1400 people at public hearings, and held
extensive meetings with, among others,
Chittaroopa Palit and Alok Agarwal of the Narmada
Bachao Andolan. The Commission is in the process
of submitting its report to the National Advisory
Council of the Government of India, headed by
Congress Party leader Sonia Gandhi.
The Commission's report, entitled, 'Without land
or Livelihood. The Indira Sagar Dam: State
Accountability and Rehabilitation Issues',
states: "Significant research demonstrates that
large dams incur considerably more costs than
benefits, and it has been amply confirmed that
the social and ecological damage that results
from large dams is prohibitive and
disproportionately borne by marginalized peoples
and cultures. This Commission finds the Indira
Sagar Pariyojana in Khandwa district in Madhya
Pradesh to be no exceptionŠ We find that vast and
the Government of Madhya Pradesh in the
construction of the Indira Sagar Pariyojana has
perpetrated indefensible social, political and
economic injustices on the people of the Narmada
Valley. Affected people across cultures, classes
and genders continue to endure conditions that
are dehumanizing and cruel in a context bereft of
processes allowing an acknowledgment of the
enormity of the decimation and resources
necessary to heal from it. It is of particular
concern that poor and disenfranchised people are
treated with contempt by the state, as groups to
whom the nation is not accountable. The violence
of the everyday experienced by individuals and
communities is incomprehensible, as brutality and
oppression are administered through the state's
mistreatment of the affected. These injustices
also highlight the severe and existing
hierarchies of caste, tribe, religion and gender
in the state, and compound social suffering and
cultural violence in the name of development."
The Commission made 32 recommendations including
a directive to amend the 1987 Rehabilitation
Policy of the Government of Madhya Pradesh to
allow for land compensation to the landless,
ensuring the eligibility and assured access of
all cultivators, including landless workers, to
housing and cultivable agricultural land.
[ Full Text of the above Report is available at:
http://www.sacw.net/Nation/ISPPeople'sCommissionReport.pdf ]
______
[3]
Deccan Herald
November 04, 2004
IN PERSPECTIVE
Protect Christians of Dalit origin
There is need to legislate a bill to give
Christians of SC/ST origin their due rights and
privileges
By Eduardo Faleiro
During the last session of Parliament a
memorandum was submitted to the Prime Minister
listing some of the grievances of the Christian
community. The memorandum calls for effective
implementation of the Prime Minister's 15-Point
Programme for the Welfare of the Minorities. The
programme was launched by the late Prime Minister
Indira Gandhi and has been endorsed by all
successive governments. There is a special cell
in the Home Ministry to oversee the
implementation of this programme though it has
been quite ineffective in recent years.
Seven of the 15 points deal with steps to prevent
communal conflicts, for swift punishment to the
culprits and for speedy and adequate relief to
the victims of communal violence. Events in
Gujarat and elsewhere have shown that often scant
attention is paid to the observance of these
directives.
Rights of Christian dalits
The memorandum highlights the failure of the
Union Government to extend to Christians of
Scheduled Caste origin, the legal protection and
constitutional benefits available to dalits
professing other religions. Mahatma Gandhi and Dr
B R Ambedkar had often pointed out that change of
religion does not bring about any change in the
social status of the weaker sections. They
continue to suffer the same social and economic
disabilities.
The Supreme Court held in the Mandal Case that
"untouchability is a humiliating and shameful
malady caused by deep-rooted prejudice which does
not disappear with the change of faith..."
(Indira Sawhney v. Union of India).
The National Minorities Commission acknowledged
this reality in its Annual Report for the year
1997-98 and recommended that "the Constitution
(Scheduled Castes) Order 1950 should be amended
so as to omit altogether the proviso that a
person belonging to a particular religion cannot
be regarded as a member of a Scheduled Caste, so
that the unconstitutional nexus between caste and
religion is eliminated." On March 11, 1996, the
then Social Welfare Minister Sitaram Kesri
submitted to the
Lok Sabha, the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order Amendment Bill 1996.
Its Statement of Objects and Reasons reads as
follows: "Converts to the Christian religion who
are of Scheduled Caste origin are precluded from
the statutory benefits and safeguards accruing to
the members of the Scheduled Castes. Demands have
been made from time to time for extending these
benefits and safeguards to Christians of
Scheduled Caste origin by granting them
recognition as Scheduled Castes on the ground
that the change of religion has not altered their
social and economic condition. Upon due
consideration of these demands, it is proposed to
amend the relevant Constitution (Scheduled
Castes) Order to include the Christian converts
of Scheduled Castes among the Scheduled Castes
therein." The Bill could not be introduced in
Parliament due to the dissolution of the 10th Lok
Sabha. The present Government should now
re-introduce this legislation and get it approved
as a Constitution Amendment.
Personal law changes
Another matter of concern to the Christian
community is the question of amendment of their
Personal Laws. Some of these laws such as those
relating to adoption and succession have become
obsolete and need to be updated. During a debate
in Parliament in December 1999 the then
Government had assured that "with personal laws
we do not really want to interfere. We will leave
it to the community but if the community wants it
we would only be too happy to carry out the
necessary amendments". There should be no
difficulty in carrying the amendments to the
Christian Personal Laws which have already been
proposed to the Law Ministry by the
representative Christian organisations.
The Memorandum was endorsed by Members of
Parliament belonging to different religious
denominations. While subscribing to it, some
mentioned privately that they were doing so
because the demands were just and fair but
expressed misgivings about reported conversions
being carried out by missionaries in some parts
of the country.
I was recently in the Mayurbhanj district of
Orissa where Rev Graham Staines and his two sons
were killed some years ago. During my stay in the
district I found that both Christian and Hindu
missionaries were propagating their respective
faiths. What the adivasis need is not more
religion but alleviation of their abject poverty,
education, health care and infrastructure.
The plight of the tribals in Mayurbhanj is
similar to the condition of the tribal population
in several other parts of the country and to
provide them minimum living standards is a
gigantic task. It cannot be left to
non-governmental agencies including missionary
organisations. However lofty their intentions,
they will always be suspected of ulterior
motives. The paramount responsibility rests with
the Government to formulate and implement
livelihood strategies for the weaker sections of
our society.
The writer is an MP and a former Union Minister.
______
[4]
The Praful Bidwai Column
November 1, 2004
WELCOME DIALOGUE WITH NAXALITES
AN OPPORTUNITY FOR OVERDUE REFORM
By Praful Bidwai
Even before the Indian government took a bold
step the other day in Bangkok by inviting top
leaders of the National Socialist Council of
Nagaland (Isaak-Muivah group) for talks to New
Delhi, another process for reconciliation and
peace of seminal importance got going in
Hyderabad. This was the beginning of a
comprehensive dialogue between Naxalites and the
Andhra Pradesh government. The first round of
talks, lasting four days, saw top underground
leaders of the Communist Part of India
(Marxist-Leninist-People's War)-now officially
renamed CPI (Maoist), but popularly known as the
People's War Group (PWG)-come out of the forests,
keep aside their firearms, and talk seriously to
representatives of Mr Y.S. Rajasekhara Reddy's
newly installed government.
It is after 15 years that guerrilla leaders like
Akkiraju Haragopal (alias Ramakrishna), Sudhakar
and G. Ravi, who carry rewards of lakhs of rupees
on their heads, emerged from hiding to address
huge public rallies and start a dialogue with
people they have long considered to be their
inveterate "class enemies". These leaders did
their best to enhance their bargaining power by
announcing a merger of their group with the
Maoist Communist Centre of India just before
their meetings with Andhra officials. The
preparations leading up to the talks, with public
meetings attended by lakhs of supporters and
ordinarily curious people, and addressed by
intermediaries such as Ghadar and Vara Vara Rao,
were also meant to demonstrate the PWG's popular
support.
That the talks took place in a cordial and
constructive atmosphere is a tribute to their
participants' serious intent. This also speaks
well of the mediators who made the dialogue
possible in the face of heavy odds, including
former civil servant S.R. Sankaran and civil
rights lawyer K.G. Kannabiran. Even more
noteworthy is the substantive content of the
PWG's demands at the talks-with a sharp focus on
agrarian reform and a commission to identify
surplus land for redistribution, which would
include "democratic and mass organisations", not
bureaucrats or retired judges alone.
The Andhra government is called upon to respond
to these demands in a concrete, specific manner.
After all, the Naxalites claim-quite plausibly,
given Andhra's large-scale absentee landlordism
and sharecropping practices-that some 84 lakh
acres of land fall outside the permissible
ceiling. This is 18 times higher than the
official figure of 4.7 lakh acres, which seems
paltry. The PWG also alleges, without full
corroboration, but plausibly, that more than 40
institutions, corporations and individuals have
encroached on 27,000 acres of prime land worth
thousands of crores in and around Hyderabad.
An honest engagement with these issues and a
purposive attempt to ascertain the facts and
enforce the law will produce socially desirable
and progressive results-no matter what one's
individual view of the Naxalite ideology and
politics and the government's initiative for a
dialogue with them. That's why the talks deserve
support.
Yet, sceptics have mounted a concerted campaign
against the dialogue process itself. Their
provenance, inspiration and arguments are all
divergent, but the central thrust is identical:
the talks must be scuttled in their present form
because they will encourage "extremist violence"
and undermine the credibility of the Indian
state. BJP president L.K. Advani has now joined
the critics' ranks with an additional argument:
namely, that the Naxalites pose a national-level
"security threat"; an isolated attempt by
individual states to tackle the issue would be
"dangerous" to national security and
"self-defeating and retrograde"!
Mr Advani's "regional-vs-national" logic doesn't
carry much weight because Andhra's isn't an
"isolated" approach. Other states too are
planning talks with the Naxalites. And there is a
national-level coordination committee comprising
different states on the issue. Andhra could set a
worthy example for other states because the
Naxalite problem is most severe there.
However, is there merit in the opponents'
argument that the government must not talk to any
"violent group" that has not given up its arms or
its ideology of armed struggle? The argument has
three components. First, such groups are a
pathological menace to society because they are
inherently, irredeemably anti-democratic, and
must never be given legitimacy. Second, the only
way to deal with violent radical groups is to
crush them. As the controversial former Punjab
police chief KPS Gill puts it: "Never has a state
returned to peace through negotiations with
violent groups. Only when violence is put down
firmly and strongly, is there any chance for
peace". And third, negotiating with such groups
violates the fundamental premise that they merely
represent a law-and-order problem; talks with
them can only demoralise the police and encourage
further extremist violence.
All three arguments are blind to the origins and
evolution of the Naxalite movement and its roots
in legitimate grievances, especially of the rural
poor and Adivasis. The movement-so called because
of the armed revolt of the mid-sixties in village
Naxalbari in West Bengal-was a response,
undoubtedly a radical-extremist one, to the
failure of governments to address the people's
basic survival needs, to redress extreme
inequalities and intolerable injustices, and
create a semblance of faith in the very
possibility of justice in this society.
The Naxalites were born in a period of great
political turmoil amidst the erosion of the
Nehruvian paradigm and weakening of the Congress
party's hegemony. They believed that democracy
had little to offer to the people who must take
to armed struggle and bring about a revolution.
The Naxalites split from the CPI(M) to form the
CPI(ML), but themselves soon split into countless
fractions, some along ideological lines, some
around personalities.
The Naxalite movement has had many strands-from
semi-parliamentary ones to the purely
guerrilla-centred, from groups based mainly on
opposition to violence perpetrated by upper-caste
private armies (as in Bihar) to those fighting
for forest-dwellers' rights to livelihood. Some
of the smaller organisations have degenerated
into criminal groups based on extortion and
blackmail. But most have retained their
support-base among the people.
Indeed, Naxalism has spread to 155 districts of
India, covering 12 states and a quarter of the
country's area. This growth isn't attributable to
violence, intimidation and extortion. Rather, the
Naxalites genuinely represent the unfulfilled,
often brutally suppressed, aspirations of the
people and can give them a degree of protection
from the worst of their oppressors in the local
power structure. Typically, this structure is
extremely corrupt and in the grip of influential
but predatory elite groups.
Put simply, Naxalism lives on because tyranny
persists and repulsive forms of injustice
prevail. Naxalite politics evokes a popular
response because it upholds justice for the poor
through land reforms, freedom from forced labour,
enforcement of minimum wages, fair prices for
agricultural produce, implementation of official
promises of drought relief, employment guarantees
and so on.
These aims are all unquestionably worthy. But the
Naxalites have a serious problem with means. Some
advocate exclusively violent means which
themselves exclude a majority of people. Yet
often, their means are no worse than those
employed by the state, including torturing and
killing innocent people, strengthening horrible
forms of caste and class oppression, and sexual
brutalisation of women, etc.
Therefore, it's profoundly wrong to treat
Naxalism as a mere law-and-order problem, leave
alone a "national security" issue. Rather,
underlying this politics is a social and economic
problem. Naxalite politics is itself a distorted,
desperate reflection of urges for change from
below. That's where Advani, Gill & Co. betray
their crude thanedar mentality and their poor
imagination. The advocacy of the dandaa (stick)
approach to all problems created by unrelieved
oppression, unaddressed injustices and the
hellish ignominy of life for millions of Indians
can only aggravate matters. Such methods only
promote collusion between the state and the
forces that cause social oppression in the first
place.
It's simply wrong to lump all "violent" groups
together-what's in common between Al-Qaeda and
People's War, or between the VHP-Bajrang Dal and
CPI-(ML)? It's equally false to claim that they
can never be brought to see reason or trust the
democratic system by pursuasion; force alone will
work. (But brute force won't reform them, it'll
just eliminate them). History is replete with
examples of reconciliation through dialogue and
negotiation, including much of the great
decolonisation movement of the last century.
Negotiation has resolved knotty disputes like
Alsace-Lorraine, Corsica, and very nearly,
Ireland. Had South Africa's apartheid regime
continued to treat the African National Congress
as a law-and-order problem, the country would
never have been liberated.
Starting with Andhra, all state governments must
see in the Naxalite issue a challenge and an
opportunity-to address neglected social agendas,
correct festering injustices, and root out
corrupt state functionaries working in league
with absentee landlords and exploiters of child
labour. The UPA's National Common Minimum
Programme rightly recognised that Naxalism is
"not merely a law-and-order problem, but a far
deeper socio-economic issue".
The UPA must now relate to its own promises
regarding health, drinking water, employment and
food security by taking the Naxalites' demands on
board. That's the best way to cut off the oxygen
of popular despair that feeds extremist
politics-and to bring the Naxalites to the path
of democracy.-end-
______
[5] [URLs re a Witness Protection Programme in India ]
Law Commission of India's
Consultation Paper on Witness Protection
Dated: 13th August, 2004
http://lawcommissionofindia.nic.in/Summary%20of%20the%20Consultation%20paper%20on%20Witness%20protection%20AND%20Questionnaire.pdf.
o o o o
The Hindu, August 22, 2004
Consultation paper on witness protection
By J. Venkatesan
http://www.hindu.com/2004/08/22/stories/2004082202061000.htm
______
[6]
The Times of India
HOMOSEXUALITY IS PUNISHABLE: HC
PTI[ WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 03, 2004 06:36:36 PM ]
NEW DELHI: The Delhi High Court on Wednesday
dismissed a petition seeking review of its order
rejecting a PIL challenging the constitutional
validity of Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code
which makes all kinds of unnatural sex, including
homosexuality, a punishable offence.
"The review petition cannot be entertained", a
division bench of Chief Justice B C Patel and
Justice B D Ahmed said dismissing the petition
filed by Naz Foundation.
Earlier, senior counsel Anil B Divan pointed out
on behalf of the NGO that the court had errred in
dismissing the petition as it failed to take into
account recent judgements of the Supreme Court on
the question of locus standi.
Divan also submitted that the law on
homosexuality has drastically changed in various
parts of the world, including the US and the
European Union countries.
"Whatever is available in the US cannot be made
available in India also", the court observed.
The Bench had on September 2 last dismissed the
petition filed by Naz Foundation on the ground
that there was no cause of action for the
petitioner to approach the Court.
"A petition cannot be filed just for testing the
validity of a legislation," the Bench had said.
The NGO, which works for AIDS awareness, had
filed the PIL in 2001, seeking to declare section
377, IPC as violative of right to equality
(Article 14), right to freedom (Article 19) and
right to life and liberty (Article 21) of the
Constitution.
The Centre had opposed the petition saying
homosexuality cannot be legalised in India as the
society disapproves of such behaviour.
"Law does not run separately from the society. It
only reflects the perception of the society.
Public tolerance of different activities change
and the legal categories get influenced by these
changes.
"The public, notably in UK and US have shown
tolerance of new sexual behaviour or sexual
preference, but it is not universally accepted
behaviour. Objectively, speaking, there is no
such tolerance to the practice of homosexuality/
lesbianism in Indian society," the Centre had
stated.
However, the NGO felt that the Court should have
taken into account the grave threat to public
health by proliferation of HIV as Section 377 was
leading to marginalisation of homosexual minority
and preventing them from coming in the open for
help.
______
[7] Upcoming Events:
National Convention on Wada na Todo Abhiyan
November 4-5, 2004
Indian Social Institute,
New Delhi
Dear Friends,
We are aware that the National and State
Governments in various legitimate forms make
commitments for the welfare of the citizen.
These are in the form of provisions within the
Constitution, Five-Year Plans, Common Minimum
Programmes as well as international commitments
viz-a-viz. Millennium Development Goals.
It is realised that in most of the cases, the
commitments are not seriously pursued either due
to weak political will, inadequate planning or
insufficient resource allocation. Weak pursuance
of the state or political system for the
fulfilment of the promises is primarily due to
inadequate voice of the common citizen to make
their Governments Accountable. `Wada Na Todo
Abhiyan' is primarily a campaign of the citizens
for reminding Governments towards the promises
made by them and make them accountable.
In this regard, state level consultations were
organised with civil society groups in Uttar
Pradesh, Bihar, Andhra Pradesh, Rajasthan, Kerala
and consultations in Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh
and Orissa are planned in near future. A
national level preparatory meeting was organised
in Delhi on 28th August to evolve the campaign.
It was suggested in the meeting that a national
convention should be organised to evolve and
build consensus on the strategies.
The national convention is being organised during
November 4-5, 2004 at Indian Social Institute,
(10, Institutional Area, Lodhi Road, New Delhi).
The purpose of the national consultation is
primarily to evolve a long-term strategy for the
`Wada Na Todo Campaign'. It will help build a
shared perspective on the objectives of the
campaign and will carve out a detailed road map
for taking the campaign forward in different
states as well as nationally.
We are inviting about 250-300 participants from
various states representing voluntary
organisations, activists involved in various
campaigns, media, academia and trade union and
mass organisations.
We are requesting you to participate in the
national convention on `Wada Na Todo'.
The details of the final programme will be sent to you soon.
Kindly confirm your participation to help us make necessary arrangements.
With regards
Anil K Singh (Convenor)
Dr.Yogesh Kumar (Co-Convenor)
PROGRAMME SCHEDULE
NATIONAL CONVENTION ON WADA NA TODO ABHIYAN
4th &5th November 2004, Venue: Indian Social Institute
DAY ONE- 4th November 2004
9.30 A.M.- 10.00 A.M. Registration with tea
INAUGRAL SESSION
10.00A.M. - 11.00 A.M. Guest of
Honour: Mr.M.V.Rajsekharan(Union Minister of
Planning)
Welcome address by Mr. Anil K. Singh
Civil Society Perspective of Wada na Todo Abhiyan
Dr. Yogesh Kumar
Keynote address on 'Wada Na Todo Abhiyan'
Shri Ramchandra
Rahi
Design of the convention & Vote of Thanks
Dr.Gimmy Dabhi
11.00 A.M.- 11.30 A.M. TEA
11.30 A.M- 1.30 P.M Parallel Sessions
I. Right to Livelihood
Anchor: Prof.S.KThorat
Community/ Citizen Voices II. Right to Education
Anchor:Dr.Ramanath Nayak and
Ms.Shalini and Ms.Archana
Community/ Citizen Voices
Community/ Citizen Leader's Voices
1.30 P.M- 2.30 P.M. LUNCH
2:30 P.M-4:00 P.M Parallel Sessions
III. Right to Health
Anchor: Dr.Bappukunju Eqbal and
Ms.Manjir Rahi
Community/Citizen Voices
IV. Right over Natural Resources
Anchors: Mr.Bharat Dogra and Mr. Pankaj Sekhsaria
Community/Citizen Voices
4.0 0PM- 4.30 PM TEA
4.30 PM-6.00 PM PLENARY
Presentations of Key Challenges Emerging From
Parallel Sessions
Chair: Mr.Alok Mehta
Panelists: Ms.Syeeda Hameed
Mr.Sandeep Dixit
Prof.Amitabh Kundu
Ms.Reva Nayyar
(Sec. Women &Child Development) (Tentative)
DAY TWO- 5th November 2004
Plenary
9.30AM- 10.30 AM Development
Goals- Issues of Dalit, Tribal and Women
Chair- Mr.Savi Savarkar
Panelists: Dr. Pam Rajput
Mr.Marinus Kujur
Mr.Martin Macwan
10:30AM- 11:30 PM Session II
Chair: Salil Shetty
Reflections on Global Process Around MDG
Mr. John Samuel and Dr. Bappukunju Eqbal
Key strategic elements for designing the campaign:Some
Pointers
Dr. Yogesh Kumar
11:30 AM- 12:00 PM Tea Break
12:00PM- 1.00 PM Parallel sessions
Key elements for strategising campaign
I. Operational Planning For the Campaign
( Issues For Discussion)
Facilitator: Mr. Ashok Singh and
Mr.Anil K Singh
II. People's Mobilisation and Public
Education
(Issues For Discussion)
Facilitator:Mr.Paul Divakar and Dr.Yogesh Kumar
III. People's Voices on Development Goals
A. Structure, roles, function & resources
B. Strategy for Research, Lobby & Advocacy
A. Popular Action, Event & Launch
B. Media
C. Networking / Alliance Building
1.00 PM- 2.00 PM LUNCH
3.0 PM- 4.00 PM Formalising Strategy
Chair: Mr. Jagdananda
Facilitators: Mr. Amitabh Behar,Mr. Ashok Bharti & Mr. Cherian Mathew
Presentation of groups & Consensus building
Presentation of group I&II
Discussion
_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/
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